حكم التقنوقراط: بعض الأمثلة

مشروع القطار فائق السرعة

تم توقيع صفقة القطار فائق السرعة بتكلفة بلغت 2،72 مليار دولار (المصدر 3) دون استشارة المنتخبين و بغض النظر عن انتقادات مختلف الهيئات المدنية
ـ القطار فائق السرعة ترف بعيد كل البعد عن الحاجات الملحة لعموم المواطنين
ـ يجب أن تعطى الأولوية للاستثمار في القطاعات الحيوية إذ تبلغ الأموال المستثمرة في قطاع التعليم على سبيل المثال حوالي 680 مليون دولار وهو ما يناهز ربع المبالغ المرصودة لمشروع “التي جي في” في حين لا تتجاوز ميزانية وزارة الصحة عشر ميزانية هذا المشروع
بعد أزيد من سنة على توقيع العقد مع شركة ألستوم الفرنسية، لم يتم إطلاع المواطنين على أية معلومات بخصوص مستقبل المشروع. و تبقى الأسئلة تتناسل دون مجيب: كم سيبلغ ثمن التذاكر؟ كيف سيتم تحديد هذا الثمن ؟

مخطط “المغرب الأزرق” لتهيئة السواحل الشمالية

تماشيا مع رؤية 10 ملايين سائح سنة 2010، عرف المغرب انطلاق مشاريع عقارية عملاقة خصوصا على السواحل المتوسطية. و قد عرفت هذه المشاريع انتقادات حادة من طرف الجمعيات المدنية و سكان المناطق المعنية لعدم جدواها من وجهة نظر اقتصادية انطلاقا من ملاحظة بسيطة: إذا كان بيع فيلا فاخرة بمساحة 1000 متر مربع لزبون أوروبي قد يساعد في خلق نشاط سياحي نادرا ما يمتد أكثر من شهر في السنة مع انعدام أي مردود إضافي خلال بقية العام، فإن استغلال نفس المساحة لبناء فندق أو مطعم أو أي خدمة سياحية أخرى قد يوفر مناصب شغل لعدد من السكان لفترة لا تقل عن خمسة أشهر سنويا
ولم يكن مشروع “ميديتيرانيا السعيدية” أهم إنجازات مخطط “المغرب الأزرق” سوى مشروعا عقاريا بامتياز بضمه لأكثر من 3000 فيلا و شقة مقابل6 فنادق. و تجدر الإشارة إلى أن مجموعة فاديسا الإسبانية التي أنجزت المشروع استفادت من تسهيلات حكومية غير مسبوقة (المصدر 3) أثارت سخط الرأي العام الوطني و أسالت لعاب العديد من “المنعشين” العقاريين
و لقد كان لهذا الكم الكبير من المشاريع انعكاس بالغ الأهمية على أثمان العقار التي ارتفعت بشكل صاروخي في المناطق المحيطة بها. و يبرز الجدول التالي أمثلة قرى مجاورة لمدينة تطوان بعيد انطلاق أشغال”غولف باردايز ريزورت” و”بلايا فيستا” في كل من تمرابط و أوشطام

القرية متبوعة بالمعدل التقريبي لارتفاع أسعار العقار بالمناطق الشاطئية

آزلا
1100%

آمسا
900%

تامرابط
تم استغلال كل الأراضي الشاطئية

تامرنوت
1500% -2000%

أوشطام
تم استغلال كل الأراضي الشاطئية

بياضة
تم استغلال كل الأراضي الشاطئية

واد لاو
1500%

تارغة
غير محدد

السطيحات
1000%

(المصدر: سماسرة العقار بالمناطق المذكورة و هي أرقام ذات مصداقية معتبرة)

نبهت مختلف الفعاليات المدنية مرارا إلى الأضرار البيئية الفادحة للأوراش المشار إليها سابقا. وتمت دعوة الجهات المسؤولة إلى إجراء دراسات تهم التداعيات البيئية لهذه المشاريع قبل الشروع في إنجازها (المصدر 4). و منذ مطلع سنة 2004 توالت التحذيرات من العواقب الوخيمة لتدمير الكثبان الرملية بضفاف نهر ملوية بغية استغلال الرمال في البناء، إذ يحتمل أن يؤدي هذا الجرف المفرط للرمال إلى فيضانات تغرق مساحات يابسة هامة. و يرى بعض المختصين أن الأشغال الجارية ستؤثر سلبا على الثروة السمكية بالسواحل المتوسطية مما قد يساهم في تعميق الأزمات الاجتماعية و الاقتصادية بمنطقة تعرف أصلا كثافة سكانية مرتفعة

محطات توليد الطاقة الشمسية

كثر الحديث مؤخرا عن مشروع ضخم لتوليد الطاقة الشمسية. و كان من الممكن أن تعد هذه الأصداء مشجعة لو تم إطلاع الرأي العام على القدر الأدنى من المعلومات التي من شأنها التخفيف من ضبابية الصورة و تقليل الغموض الذي يكتنف إنجاز المشروع. فكما جرت العادة، لم تتم مناقشة تفاصيل مشروع توليد الطاقة الشمسية تحت قبة البرلمان كما لا تتوفر إلى حد الساعة معلومات تهم التقنيات المزمع استخدامها في مشروع بهذه الأهمية: هل سيتم اللجوء إلى التوليد الحراري أم سيتم استعمال التقنيات الكهروضوئية ؟ ما نوعية المواد الأولية المقرر استخدامها و التي ستؤثر بشكل ملموس على تكاليف الصيانة و الآثار البيئية للمشروع ؟ هذه، من بين أخرى عديدة، أسئلة جوهرية يود العديد من المختصين المغاربة الإجابة عنها بعد أن تم تهميش تجاربهم الغنية المعترف بها دوليا بإبعادهم عن المساهمة في وضع تصور المشروع

تنامي الشعور العام بتهميش الدور الشعبي في صيرورة تطور البلاد

بلغت نسبة العزوف عن المشاركة الانتخابية خلال الانتخابات التشريعية سنة 2007 حوالي 70% كمعدل وطني فيما ناهزت هذه النسبة 80% في الدار البيضاء العاصمة الاقتصادية للبلاد. و لعل هذه الأرقام الصادمة تؤشر على أن اليأس و القنوط بلغا مبلغهما في صفوف المواطنين الذين ما عاد 70% منهم يجدون سببا وجيها للاستمرار في خوض الاستحقاقات الانتخابية
و مع أن الانتخابات حاليا أكثر نزاهة و شفافية من سابقاتها خلال العقود الأخيرة، فإن أغلب المواطنين لا يؤمنون بجدواها و لا بما يمكن أن تحمله من رياح التغيير نظرا لمحدودية السلط التي يتمتع بها المنتخبون المحليون مقارنة مع أذرع المخزن من ولاة و عمال و قياد… الذين يتم تعيينهم بظهائر ملكية. و حتى على الصعيد الوطني تظل المهام التنفيذية للحكومة و الرقابية للبرلمان شكلية إذا ما قورنت بما يتمتع به رجال البلاط من صلاحيات موسعة وهذا ما أشار له الوزير الأول السابق عبد الرحمان اليوسفي في محاضرته الشهيرة ببروكسيل سنة 2003

أهل مكة أدرى بشعابها

لقد كانت خمس سنوات كافية لتظهر، بما لا يدع مجالا للشك، أن خيارات اللجان التقنوقراطية فيما يخص مشروع السعيدية المتوسطي قد جانبت الصواب كما أثبتت ذلك فيضانات السعيدية سنة 2008 و التي نتجت عن تدمير الحاجز الرملي الطبيعي الذي كان يحمي المدينة من كوارث طبيعية بهذه الحدة. و لعل هذه الوقائع المؤسفة تؤشر على أن القرارات المتخذة و فق هياكل ديمقراطية سليمة ما كانت عواقبها لتبلغ هذا السوء. فالأعراف الديمقراطية تكفل للمواطنين سلطة تصويب قرارات ممثليهم عكس ما هو عليه الحال إذا تعلق الأمر بهيئات معينة دون شرعية انتخابية
نأمل أن تتم، في مستقبل الأيام، قطيعة نهائية مع أساليب الحكامة المخزنية إيمانا بأن المجتمع المغربي بلغ درجة معقولة من النضج و ما عاد بحاجة إلى الحجر على تصرفاته. لذا وجب اعتبار المجتمع المدني شريكا في جميع المشاريع المقبلة بما يترتب عن هذه الشراكة من قوة اقتراحية ملزمة تنبه بخصوص الأخطار المحتملة و تأتي بمقترحات و أفكار يتعاطى معها بما يلزم من جدية
بلغت أصداء الانتفاضات الشعبية في وجه ممثلي السلطة الآفاق و أصبحت واقعا جديدا يفرض نفسه على الساحة المغربية. و إذا كان هذا العنف الاجتماعي المتصاعد قد يعزى إلى غياب الحريات المدنية فإن أسبابه الرئيسية راجعة إلى آثار اقتصاد الريع على مداخيل المواطنين خاصة في ميدان الصيد البحري. كما ساهم التهميش الممنهج للإرادة الشعبية في زيادة الاحتقان في صفوف الفئات المحرومة
و لطالما سمعنا في الأوساط السياسية، و حتى بين عموم المواطنين، من يؤكد على أن المغاربة ما زالوا غير مؤهلين للعيش في كنف نظام ديموقراطي يتمكنون في ظله من سياسة أنفسهم بأنفسهم. و التعليل دائما هو غياب روح المسؤولية وانعدام الاهتمام بالقضايا الجماعية لدى عامة الناس. و لكن كيف يمكن أن نطالب المواطن بتنمية روح المسؤولية لديه و هو يعلم أنه مجرد رعية من الرعايا مصيره معلق بأهواء “رجال البلاد” الذين إن أصلحوها صلحت و إن أفسدوها فسدت. و ما ينطبق على رجل الشارع ينطبق على النخب السياسة التي لا تملك من أمرها شيئا أمام مراكز القرار الحقيقية
لا مناص من هياكل ديمقراطية صلبة لطي هذه الصفحات السوداء من تاريخ البلاد. فلن يصير المسؤولون مسؤولين فعليا عن قراراتهم إلا إذا تم تفعيل آليات المحاسبة التي قد تعرضهم للمساءلة القانونية في حال أخلوا بتعاقداتهم مع جمهور الناخبين الذين أوصلوهم إلى السلطة. و هكذا سيصير المواطنون أكثر اهتماما بتدبير الشأن العام حين امتلاكهم سلطة محاسبة ممثليهم. و يمكن القول بكل واقعية أن تطبيق مبادئ الديمقراطية هو السبيل الوحيد لجعل المواطنين مؤهلين للعيش في ظلها. دعوا المغاربة يحولون متفاوتاتهم إلى معادلات يعملون على حلها بأنفسهم واتركوا الأيام تقيّم النتيجة

المصادر

1
خالد الناصري وزير الإعلام و الاتصال الناطق الرسمي باسم الحكومة غشت 2009- 
2
مجلة ليكونوميست عدد 15 فبراير 2007-
3
Challenges المجلة الفرنسية -
4
حول نهب الرمال (ESCO) شريط مصور من إنجاز فضاء التضامن و التعاون بالجهة الشرقية -

ترجمة محمد الباكوري. النص الأصلي : The Moroccan Equations.

Abdellah Taia est un jeune marocain qui est d’abord comme nous tous avant d’être différent. Un garçon rêveur, qui a grandit dans la plus grande simplicité d’un père « chaouch » à la bibliothèque nationale et d’une mère analphabète, dans un des quartiers populaires de la petite Salé. Il est en cela ce fameux marocain Lambda que l’on aime a prendre comme référence dans les salons – qui s’apparentent plus à des cafés ou des bars au passage, culture oblige ! – intellectuels marocains. Un parfait exemple du changement de la mentalité chez les jeunes au Maroc. Mais ne vous y trompez pas, le changement qu’il incarne ne réside pas simplement dans son homosexualité, mais bien dans sa manière d’aborder le Maroc de demain. Une manière courageuse, qui fait fis d’une hypocrisie que l’on aime s’attribuer (encore une !) et qui surtout allie la parole aux actes et plus encore : les valeurs aux actes.

De cette manière, Abdellah, nous donne une leçon de militantisme. Il montre que le débat est possible et que ces résultats sont toujours probants. Comment, moi qui comme beaucoup de mes compatriotes, avait une fâcheuse phobie des homosexuelles, suis-je arrivé à les accepter et à les défendre ?

Pour relayer le combat de cette catégorie, il est besoin d’inclure la voix des hétéros qui croient en la liberté individuelle, ceux qui pense que la question mérite un débat, et ceux qui sont farouchement contre. Ainsi, nous pourrions établir des règles civiques qui respecteront tous les bords et qui mettront fin à l’exclusion injuste de cette catégorie de la population marocaine que forment les homosexuels. Car il s’agit bien d’une catégorie d’individus : comme les chauffeurs de taxis refusent ensemble le nouveau code de la route, ou comme les fans du Raja ou du Wydad s’allient pour soutenir leur équipe, des hommes (et des femmes qui bientôt suivront) qui ont des droits refusent d’être rejetés de la société et désirent… participer au développement de leur pays et défendre l’Etat de droit. Bien entendu, si le débat sur le mariage gay et l’adoption fait fureur outre méditerranée, ce n’est pas ici le sujet, vous l’aurez compris. Viendra peut être le jour où nous en débattrons comme dans toute nation civilisée et où nous trancherons sur la position de notre pays par un combat d’idée et non par la dictature de ceux qui veulent nous imposer leur Maroc.

Oui, nous sommes tous des homosexuels. Au Maroc, nul besoin d’en apporter la preuve : les hommes s’embrassent et se touchent affectueusement plus que partout ailleurs. Ainsi le perçoit en tout cas l’oeil de nos touristes occidentaux ! Mieux : Marrakech est la capitale marocaine des homosexuels, c’est de notoriété publique. Comme le dis la célèbre blague « si tu fais tomber un dirham à Marrakech, pousse la du pied jusqu’à Souk Larbe3 !! ». Alors regardons cette question en face et ayant le courage d’accepter la différence. Seulement si, bien sur, on nous permet de ramasser notre pièce à Marrakech !!

« Ma liberté s’arrête là où commence celles des autres ». Pas avant. Mêmes lois et devoirs pour tous. Etablies démocratiquement par la majorité, dans le respect et la défense des minorités. Voilà ce qu’est la liberté…

Aujourd’hui, le débat est lancé. Mieux que cela, il gagne du terrain. L’association Kif Kif de défense des libertés établit à Madrid faisait sa promotion au Maroc il y a quelques mois. Les responsables ont rencontré des hommes politiques et des membres de la société civile… Qui y aurait cru il y a 5 ans ? Qui ? Alors certes, nous ne gagnerons peut être jamais la sympathie des « barbus », ni celles des vieux conservateurs, ni celle de beaucoup d’autres, mais les jeunes d’aujourd’hui grandissent avec ce débat, et il ne resteront pas insensibles à l’appel de la liberté et de la tolérance. Certes nous assistons encore à des événements dramatiques à Kser Lkbir ou ailleurs, mais voyons plutôt positivement et constructivement le débat que cet événement à créer en place d’en voir une preuve d’immobilisme culturel.

C’est ainsi que les choses seront amenées à changer : n’ayant pas peur de ce que nous pensons et permettons le changement sans se poser à nous-mêmes de limites à notre changement. Pour cela, nous devons avoir la conviction que cela peut changer à notre niveau personnel et la société s’en trouvera transformée par un effet boule de neige. Posons nous chacun la question et donnons nous le pouvoir de penser par nous même. Arrêtons de rejeter la cause de notre impuissance sur le marocain Lambda… celui-ci vous ouvre la voie. La liberté est l’essence même du développement, le combat pour l’un, l’est pour l’autre.

Les dix premières années du règne du Roi Mohammed VI ont vu nombre de questions de société évoluées. Du statut de la femme à la question de l’amazighité, plusieurs débats voient le jour sur la scène marocaine. Seulement, les débats chez nous ne prennent pas la forme conventionnelle qu’ont les débats nationaux sous d’autres cieux. Dans leurs missions d’apporter des réponses aux transformations de la société, tous les acteurs de notre pays doivent participer à ces échanges tant que les autorités protégeront toutes les minorités de ces débats. Mais cela n’est pas encore gagné…

While observers might disagree on the achievements and failures of the past decade, many seem to think that 2010 might prove to be a turning point for the country under the rule of Mohammed VI.

A Decade of Change?

The king has announced lately an important project aimed at reforming territorial governance by allocating more powers to regional decision makers. Critics say that in the absence of a genuine institutional democracy, with the monarch holding on to his prerogatives, the whole scheme might turn out to be pointless. The plan is also meant at resolving the conflict over Western Sahara by including the region in a wider decentralized space that would deal with the territory in an equal footing with other regions in the kingdom, putting an end, some say, to decades of preferable and costly treatment toward the southern provinces. Many analysts agree that regionalization is a bold move, that unless accompanied by fundamental institutional reforms, might turn out to be risky for the stability and unity of the country.

The Sahara

The conflict over Western Sahara has been plaguing regional relations for decades. A heavy political and financial burden for a country like Morocco struggling with economic problems and caring for its image abroad. As the country tries to win over international support and recognition of its claimed rights over the territory, separatist activists have succeeded lately in attracting the attention, and often the sympathy of international media and western human rights organizations. Moroccan authorities have constantly blamed neighboring Algeria for supporting and providing refuge for the separatist movement and for undermining their efforts in finding a solution to the conflict through a Moroccan proposed autonomy plan for the southern provinces. 2010 may prove to be an important year in the conflict as Algeria’s position arguably grows stronger in the world stage, and as Morocco tries to “normalize” its dealings with the territory through a plan that aims at integrating it in a larger national scheme. A normalization that can’t afford the economy of resolving pending questions related to violations of Human rights in the territory that occurred during the “years of lead” and that remain to be answered according to Amnesty International.

The “Amazigh Question”

Over the last 10 years, much attention has been paid to the Amazigh culture. Today in Morocco in fact one can get a Masters in Amazigh languages. Neo-Tifinagh is available in Unicode. Amazigh languages are being taught in public schools. An Amazigh language TV channel has been launched recently.  In a region of the world torn by sectarianism and where certain cultural minorities continue to claim their right to exist, Morocco seems to have chosen to celebrate its cultural and ethnic diversity. A process hailed the world over but which isn’t without risk: how far the country would be ready to go to meet the demands of the Amazigh movement? And is there not a risk of instilling sectarianism in country that has known almost none so far?

Morocco in the EU?

Morocco enjoys an advanced status with the European Union and has embarked on a major effort to align itself on institutional, legislative and economic European standards in accordance with its Free Trade Agreement with Europe covering all sorts of goods, agriculture and services. The implementation of the accord will start to come out in full force in 2010 ahead of the creation of a Moroccan-EU free economic zone in March 2012, raising many questions about the readiness of the local market and legislature to absorb the flow of European goods and competitors in an environment still afflicted by endemic corruption and informal economy.

Tourism 2010

The Moroccan government has envisioned attracting 10 million tourists into the country by 2010, and embarked onto ambitious touristic projects. That didn’t come however without environmental and financial costs and many critics have been blaming the government for the lack of transparency and consultation. Conservatives too have been grumbling about a touristic policy they consider “too liberal.”

Freedom of speech–an uphill battle

Finally, there have been major setbacks concerning freedom of speech in the country. Morocco has jailed 5 journalists and 4 bloggers in the past decade, with numerous others arrested and tried for various acts of journalism. The Moroccan civil society is venting its discontent with what some activists describe as a return to a softer version of the autocratic rule of the previous decades.

In light of all this, what are your dreams, hopes and fears for 2010? And do you think 2010 will be a defining year for Morocco?

Abdellah Taïa is no alien. The son of a “shawesh” (gatekeeper) at the National Library and of an illiterate housewife, he is a dreamy young Moroccan from a working class neibourhood in Salé that has a lot in common with all of us. He is the ‘common man’ we love to mention as a reference in our lobby conversations, in bars and cafés. He is a living example of the changing youth mentality in Morocco, much talked about, not only with his assumed homosexuality, but also by his views on Morocco’s future. He does put aside the conventional hypocrisy and put his speech into practice, joining acts and thoughts together.

The militant Abdellah Taïa is a living proof that a debate can be held on homosexuality. I, myself, have shifted from having, like many of my fellow citizens, quite homophobic views into actually starting to understand and defend homosexuals?

To offer help to the homosexual community in its struggle, straight people must be involved; people who have strong stands on defending individual liberties, who believe in the necessity of a debate, and are not afraid of backing either sides of the argument. We could establish civic rules that would guaranty respect to all sides and put an end to the unfair treatment and exclusion the gay population has been suffering from. For this is a category that has concerns like many others have: like the cab drivers when they protest against the new traffic code; like football fans when they unite to defend their football team. They are men and women fully entitled to their rights and who want to participate in the development of their country and in the defense of the rule of Law. Of course we are (in Morocco) nowhere near the level of the debate in the West where it is centered on gay marriage and adoption of children by gay couples. One day will come hopefully when we will reach the stage when like in those civilized societies, we also will be able to decide on our own where exactly we stand, based on the battle of ideas and not in response to the dictatorship of those who want to impose their own Morocco on us.

Yes, we are all homosexuals. In Morocco, needless to say how men warmly and intimately embrace and touch each other maybe more than any other country. That’s the way tourists perceive it anyway. Moreover, Marrakech is known to be the Moroccan capital of homosexuals. As the popular saying goes: “If you drop a Dirham in Marrakech, (don’t bend over), just push it by the foot till you get to the Souk” Now, let’s face the issue and accept different people (as long as they allow us to pick up the bloody Dirham in Marrakesh, that is).

“My liberty is bound by that of others’.” No more, no less. Same rights and same duties for everyone, freely and democratically established in complete respect of the minority. That’s what liberty stands for.

Today the debate has been launched. What’s more, it is gaining ground. The association Kif Kif for the defense of liberties, established in Madrid, was promoting its work in Morocco some months ago. Activists have met with politicians and members of the civil society. Who would have thought 5 years ago that this could happen? Who? While it is true that we may never win the sympathy of the “bearded” nor that of the old conservatives, nor that of many others, today’s youth grow up with this debate in mind, and they will hopefully not remain indifferent to the appeals for freedom and tolerance. We witnessed some dramatic events like in Ksser Lekbir and elsewhere, but let us rather see positively and contructively how these cases have opened up the discussion that was so far languishing in a state of cultural stagnation.

So things will have to change. Let us not be afraid of what we think and let us allow the change to happen without asking ourselves about the limits we shall impose on it. For this to happen, we must be convinced that we can apply the changes on the personal level. This will lead to a snowball effect that will eventually transform the whole society. Let us each question and give ourselves the power to think independently. Let us stop putting the blame for our failures on the Moroccan average citizen. She/he is the one who will open the way. Freedom is the essence of development. The fight for one’s liberty, is also the fight for another’s.

The first ten years of the reign of King Mohammed VI have seen a number of social issues advanced. From the women’s status to the issue of Amazigh rights, several debates are emerging on the public scene. But the debate in our country doesn’t take the conventional form of national debates in other developed nations. In order to respond to changes in the society, all actors of our country must be able to participate in these exchanges provided that authorities protect all minorities taking part in these debates. But we’re not there yet.

المغرب شخص متناقض عاش طول سنة 2009 يتزحلق نحو منحدر حقوق الانسان و الاقتصاد..التعليم و أفلام رمضان..أهمل زوجته وضرب أطفاله و من على زلاجته الى الهاوية طفق يضحك بجنون و يسب العالم..لكنه حين انتهت السنة و بلغ القاع بجدارة كان مصرا على أنه لم يهبط منحدرا قط..دخلت 2010..و هو في القاع و بدل ان يحاول الصعود الى فوق..أثث القاع بالزرابي التقليدية و جلب عتاة الفلكلور الشعبي ثم وضع لافتة كبيرة و كتب عليها بكل حب: الدولة المغربية..

في بداية 2010..أرسل لي شخص سمى نفسه الشريف مولاي عبد الله البقالي..رسالة عاتبني فيها على سوداوية كتاباتي و شرح لي -مشكورا- ان الديموقراطية و الحرية يوجدان في المغرب بالفعل و ان الاختلاف بينا و اوروبا بسيط :يكمن في الثوابت التي لا يجوز لنا كمغاربة تجاوزها  ..كان شرحه مسهبا و كافيا لكني كأي وقح يتجرا على الثوابت لم اعثر له على جواب سوى جملة أرسلتها في ردي : اسمك هو اول ضربة للديموقراطية..

I see Morocco as an individual full of contradictions who spent the year 2009 descending along the slopes of human rights, the economy, education and Ramadan soap operas, who neglected his wife and beat his children, and while standing on his sleigh, sliding down into the abyss, he screamed and laughed madly at the world. But when the year ended and the country deservedly reached the bottom, he kept insisting that he did not fall down. The country entered 2010 at the rock bottom and instead of trying to get out of it, furnished it with traditional tapestry and hallowed it bringing local folklore, and then planted a large banner in which it wrote, full of care: Moroccan State.

Right in the beginning of 2010 someone identifying himself as Sharif Moulay Abdellah Bakkali (Sharif usually means “Honorable” and is reserved in the Moroccan context to descendants of the prophet of Islam) sent me a message. He blamed me for my melancholy writings and explained to me that democracy and freedom do exist in Morocco already, and that the difference with Europe, for example, is clear: it lays in the constant principles that we Moroccans are not allowed to trespass. His explanations were thorough and sufficient, but I, like the impudent transgressor of red lines that I am, did not find any convincing answer to his charge, apart from the phrase I sent in reply: “Your very name sir, is the blow to democracy.”

When I think about hopes and dreams it’s easy to come up with a laundry list of the problems I see around me, and those I’ve experienced myself as a result of living here almost a year and a half. It’s harder to present such a list without seeming like I’m passing judgment on the Moroccan people. For the most part, I don’t believe it’s their fault- they too are victims of their circumstances. They also can’t all be tackled in this one little essay.

One of the greatest problems I see in Morocco is the huge divide between rich and poor. There are many factors that contribute to that gap, and one in particular I will focus on for this essay, hope will be tackled in the coming year, and fear will never be addressed.

My hope for Morocco 2010 is an end to corruption and bureaucracy that plagues the government and its employees including those in the courts, administrative offices, within the police force, and even doctors who can be paid off for the right medical exam results. I’m sure there is plenty of corruption in the major political offices, but I don’t have enough information to go there at the moment so I’ll stick to what I know.

I’m not quite sure which one is worse between the two, but I would imagine with some technological advancement the bureaucracy could be easily rectified. Adopting a few simple systems and making processes clearer and less paper filled would help immensely in the struggle to get an identification card or permission to marry. Everything here is still done on paper and has to go through a number of channels for stamps and signatures.

In the Family Court in Rabat, there are a total of three computers in all the offices in the entire building. Files are kept in pink dossiers and piled on top of piles, and I’ve often marveled at how paperwork does not get lost although I’m pretty sure it does. Luckily, it just wasn’t mine.

On a recent trip to the police station to renew my carte du sejour, I was turned away from the start because a necessary piece of paper needed to process my application had run out. Said piece of paper is a photocopied document. Having to come back another day is just another example of how people have to constantly jump through hoops to get anything official done in Morocco.

As I left the building (furious of course), I thought about the people who would barely have the money to get to and from the police station the first time only to be turned away and told to come back- what if they came from a neighboring town and it cost too much to return in a day or so? I also thought, if only they had a computer and a printer so that once they entered all the information the receipt could be printed out on the spot. An even simpler solution: why don’t they have access to a photocopier or go across the street to the copy shop we had just come from?

The bureaucracy breeds much of the corruption as well because in order to have anything processed in a timely manner often requires a payout of some sort or another to a judge or a person who knows the judge. That’s just to get it done period, never mind if you need something sooner than later.

Once again, the bureaucracy keeps the divide between rich and poor apart because those that have can easily afford to will have their case bumped up to the top of the pile or get the correct signatures, while the poor are struggling just to make it to the courthouse at the time of their hearing.

Bribery is a sin in Islam for both those who pay and those who accept, or in some cases demand a bribe be paid to them. In a country full of supposed Muslims, it is quite an outrage to hear the bribe taker utter bismillah (in the name of Allah) before he accepts his payoff, but it happens. That is if you can spare the money in the first place.

The law enforcement, which should be out to protect the people and guard against unlawful behaviors, can be just as bad. Getting pulled over for a traffic infraction becomes a negotiation activity on how much the officer will accept to let you go. Someone recently told me that a plan was being proposed for a formal ticketing system so that the infraction costs would be paid at a government office instead of directly to the police officer. That didn’t impress me as I’m sure the new system would only further benefit the police officers who would threaten a higher ticket fine than the price to pad their pockets.

Nothing is consistent, nothing is recorded, and anything can change on the whim of the person you are dealing with at the moment. There is something seriously wrong with a society when the words “just tell me how much you want” can get you a clean bill of health without ever actually seeing the doctor or immediately turn a situation in your favor.

In a nutshell, my hope is that there is a serious look at the administrative processes with an eye towards consistency and streamlining. Within that, I wish that the ways in which people can corrupt the process is at least limited if not completely wiped out. To see technology implemented in all the major governmental and administrative offices that would allow a smooth and painless process for all persons involved in the business at hand whether it is a court situation or getting a needed document from a ministry office would be a major improvement.

At the very least, it would be a start if everyone was on the same page about how to get something accomplished and no matter whom you asked within a department you got the same answer.

My fear is that no one cares enough about this issue to make it a priority, or worse that they don’t see it as a problem at all. So much of the Moroccan attitude is that of “that’s how things are” or “it’ll get done tomorrow after tomorrow”. It can be charming when it comes to the little things, but in the scheme of people’s lives it is a serious issue that I wish people would take seriously.

Justice should be at the heart of it during 2010.

I recognize the difficulties of many countries to build effective justice systems and reconcile divided societies after years of authoritarianism and conflict. Powerful forces can become accustomed to acting above the law to protect their interests.

Some actions were taken, and I must admit, courageous ones. A great hope aroused with the Equity and Reconciliation Commission (ERC) established in 2004 by King Mohammed VI. It was seen as the first of its kind to be established in the Arab World following a period of internal strife. In contrast with other countries in the region, Morocco chose to confront its problems and to face the ghosts of its past.

In 2006, the ERC released a report and recommendations in which it asserted that in order to promote rule of law, there must be reforms in the security, justice, law, and penal policy.

The commission specifically recommended, firstly: “…in addition to the recommendations related to the constitution, a reassessment of the statutes of the Higher Magistracy Council, by way of a functional law reviewing its constitution and mission” and secondly “…strengthening the legal and procedural guarantees against human rights violations (…) It also necessitates developing a clear and precise definition of violence against women, in conformity with international norms…”

Yet, years after the end of the ERC work, Morocco still faces terrible, inequitable and unfair trials. The Zahra Boudkour case is one of them. A young woman from Marrakesh studying law (what an irony!) at the Cadi Ayyad University of Marrakech, Zahra happens also to be an activist and participated back in May 2008 in a peaceful demonstration demanding better education conditions. Police charged the demonstration and Zahra and some comrades were taken to the police station, where they faced humiliating detention conditions. They were detained for five days illegally before they were charged. Weeks later, Zahra was sentenced to two years of jail. She faced an unfair trial, her family was forbidden from attending some court sessions. While Zahra is waiting for her appeal trial session (two, in January and February, have been postponed) planned on March 19th, she’s resuming her law studies from prison and still describes herself as an activist.

What message is sent to the youth of our nation through Zahra’s story? It is something like this: “Be a citizen, ask for better conditions of life, health and education and you’ll face humiliation. Believe in justice, ask for it and you’ll face unfairness and arbitrary. Be dedicated to your studies, have dreams and seek success but you’ll face insecurity of the future”?

Of course, not. At least, I hope not.

Justice is about ensuring dignity, equality and security for all. These three notions should also be at the core of our nation’s standards. They are closely interlinked. Dignity, which reflects both autonomy and responsibility, concerns the individual. Equality is the cornerstone of effective and harmonious relationships between people; it underpins our common systems of ethics and rights, whether we are discussing equality before the law or the need for equity in how States and international systems conduct their affairs. Neither dignity nor equality, of course, can take root in the absence of security.

These notions are not ideals and aspirations that are impossible to achieve. They translate into benchmarks to measure conduct. More than half a century of collective work has provided us with norms that provide content to these notions. We have a universal human rights framework embedded in the United Nations Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the two International Covenants on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and on Civil and Political Rights, as well as other core human rights treaties. Those have all been approved by our country. These instruments have inspired provisions in many national constitutions and laws and led to the creation of long-term national infrastructures for the protection and promotion of human rights.

Dignity, equality and security require systems of justice that can maintain and uphold these values. Law should operate as an instrument to protect the dignity and worth of the human person, not as a tool to permit arbitrary rule or cruelty or an abdication of a State’s basic responsibilities towards its citizens.

We need to bring security to all individuals and organizations of our nation by protecting their rights to life, to liberty, to think freely and believe whatever they want; their rights not to fear torture or exile or arbitrary detention; their rights to express themselves, to associate peacefully, to move freely within their country and return to it; their basic right to development; their rights to primary education and to a standard of living adequate for health and well-being.

It is in our interest as a people, as a nation, to tackle every case like Zahra’s because, as said Martin Luther King Jr., “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.”

Since 1999, the King has been associated with all infrastructure and development decisions, this association has helped to put pressure on equipment ministry to achieve some projects very quickly in comparison with the previous era. The classic example is the actual 916 kilometers highway. In tourism, the King was associated with projects like “Mediteranea Saïdia,” and then with every single touristic project to the extent that people now speak about machari’ sidna (the projects of his majesty). Lately, Morocco announced a huge solar energy plant, also a Royal project. If the association of the King with the projects has helped make their implementation go faster, it has given to what is commonly called Makhzen (or the Moroccan establishment) the argument to neutralize any voice notifying even technical points of view concerning the country’s strategic decisions. The Makhzen people dare to claim “they are the ones who know what is best for this country.” (1,2)

Arbitrary governance, lack of transparency and consultation with concerned populations, lack of a national and wide debate for matters concerning the whole nation, this is what came out of technocracy and the unbelievable idea that there is a unique Moroccan equation that could be solved by a magical formula that only technocrats, non elected councils and executive apparatus can provide.

Technocracy in power

High Velocity Train (HVT) project:

With its 2.72 billion dollars budget (3), the HVT project was decided outside the elected body, in spite of all civil society critics:

• An HVT is a luxury Moroccans do not need yet.
• There are other priorities : Investment in education doesn’t reach more than 680 million USD, wich is the quarter of the HVT budget; the budget allocated for the Ministry of Health is only about tenth that of the HVT, etc.
• The contract is already signed with Alstom, and Morroccan people do not have any transparent information about this project: how much will the ticket cost? Is there a business plan estimating this?

Plan Azur:

Aiming to reach a 10 million tourists goal by 2010, Morocco has launched huge real estate projects on its coastlines under a plan called Plan Azur. This approach is criticized by civil society for its inefficiency from an economic point of view. The argument against it is simple: while a 1000 square meter villa will bring a one-month-per-year tourist, it wont have any use the rest of the year. Therefore it will provide only for one durable employment: a charwoman for a month every year! The same surface dedicated to a hotel, a restaurant, a diving club or any other touristic facility, will provide employment to a dozen people four or five months during the year.

Indeed, Plan Azur’s main resort Mediteranea Saidia was nothing more than a real estate project: the whole project is composed of about 3000 villas and apartments, with no less than 6 Hotels! Civil society also criticizes the government for all the unusual advantages it gave to the Spanish investment group FADESA(3).

Mediteranea Saidia and other coastal real estate projects related to Plan Azur have affected the real estate conjuncture in the concerned regions alarmingly. The following figures show how those kind of projects have affected the front sea real estate price approximate in the province of Tetuan from 2003 to 2008; effects on surrounding villages of the launching of Golf Paradise Resort and Playa Vista near Aouchtam and Tamrabet. The name of the village is followed by the real estate price approximate increase:

Azla – 1100%
Amsa – 900%
Tamrabet – No front sea left
Tamernout – 1500% to 2000%
Aouchtam – No front sea left
Biyada – No front sea left
Oued Laou – 1500%
Ka’a Asras – 1000%
Targha – Undisclosed
Stihat – 1000%

(Source: local informal real estate intermediaries or semsara, not to be considered as official statistics)

The civil society has emphasized the potential environmental hazards of Plan Azur projects. For Saidia as for other resorts, it is asking the state to make studies on environmental impact before launching such projects (4). Also from the very beginning, in 2004, the civil society warned the authorities and the public opinion about the effects of using huge quantities of sand for building purposes, on the sustainability of natural barriers like sand dunes in the Moulouya river and the risk of flooding that this would cause. Other ecologists say that Plan Azur will affect the fishing resources in the Mediterranean coast and worsen the socio-economic situation in a region that suffers already from a very high demographic density.

Solar energy plants:

You may have heard lately about a huge Solar energy plant program, which actually could sound quite encouraging, if only we had more information about it. No public parliamentary debate occurred on the matter, no information is available about the technological orientations of such an important program: will thermal Solar plants be used or will it be photovoltaic instead? And for the latter option, which raw materials will be chosen? This will have a huge influence on the maintenance and the ecological impact of such an energy plant.

These are some questions national technocrats wish to get answers for. How come Moroccan experts in the matter have not been involved yet in the conception of such a project.

People do not feel involved in the development process of the country: election abstention has reached 70% as a national average, and was close to 80% in Casablanca, the economic metropolis of the country. This shows how upset people are with this confusing situation: elections seem aimless to 70% of our citizens.

Indeed, even if the elections are nowadays much more transparent and free than during previous decades, their purpose is still too distant from the concerns of the nation: the local elected Community Council is not as powerful as the “Qaïd,” the non elected representative of the ministry of interior, the local Mayor is not as powerful as the non elected “Wali” (or Governor), and again an elected prime minister is not as powerful as the unelected Royal Cabinet, as the former elected Prime Minister Abderrahman el Youssfi put it in his famous Brussels speech in 2003.

Moroccan people solving Moroccan issues

For Plan Azur five years were enough to demonstrate that civil society’s ideas were better than technocratic recipes, as proved by the Saïdia’s flooding in 2008 due to the annihilation of the dune barrier that used to protect the city from such natural disasters. And this goes to prove as well that a democratic decision making process would have been more efficient, since civil society can influence the elected body decisions more easily than it can with non elected state representatives.

Therefore, we hope that instead of pushing the civil society aside and neglecting it, as it occurred in Saïdia, the forthcoming projects will consider the moroccan civil society as a partner capable of raising legitimate concerns on the one hand, and proposing new ideas and solutions on the other.

Central, non elected government representatives such as qaids and governors face violent protests, as in Sidi Ifni in June 2008. This was not due to a lack of freedom of speech or civil liberties, but it had more to do with socio-economic pressures caused by rent economy, particularly in the fishing industry, and because people felt that the decisions taken were at their expense instead of addressing their most basic concerns.

We all have heard one day or another that we Moroccans, whether it be our people or our political parties, are not ready yet for democracy and Checks-and-Balances-based political system; that we’re actually not responsible, not involved, not knowledgeable enough. But let’s face it, how can we possibly ask a citizen to be responsible and involved if he is utterly and completely left aside of the decision process, or a political leader to be knowledgeable and effective in tackling the issues of our country if he, himself, has no control over his own decisions and no incentive to make any.

Checks and balances are a self fulfilling prophecy. Accountability will make the decision makers from political parties responsible for their own decisions, eventually some of them will disappear, but all of them will change, for the better. Real democracy will actually allow the citizens to feel involved in decisions that actually will impact their very own lives. It is Democracy itself that will actually make the Moroccan people ready for it. Let Moroccan people solve their own equations!

1 : Khalid Naciri, minister of information and spokesperson for the Moroccan government: “il y a ceux qui pensent mieux pour ce pays.” (“There are those who know better for this country.”) August 2009.
2 : In L’economiste 02/15/2007 « les autorités publiques veillent scrupuleusement à l’équilibre naturel de Saïdia à travers le respect du périmètre du Sibe (Site d’intérêt biologique et écologique) limitrophe à la station.» (“The authorities are working on the strict preservation of the natural balance of the ecosystem in Saïdia through the respect of the natural site located next to the resort.”)
3 : See French magazine Challenge [Fr].
4 : Video realised by the ESCO showing illegal sand plundring.

Read Arabic translation (المتفاوتات المغربية) by Mohamed Al Bakoury.

I mean, what is so important about 2010? What is it, 10 years after the millennium? Only 90 years to go to the 22nd century? It is not as though I am unable to write something about it, I simply cannot understand this unhealthy obsession of ‘symbolic’ dates: I still remember, in 2000, newspapers and television, altogether, prophesying wonderful Morocco in 2010 (even the Highest authority subscribed to this view [fr]). And yes, I too adhered to this vision: by the end of the decade, we could have done a lot, not everything, but a pretty big chunk of these necessary, vital–if I may say so–changes Morocco needs. And now, here we are, with stationary or worsening figures.

Although I am not particularly fond of pessimism as a philosophical way of life, I have to admit, recent events (among many others) are just confirming the general trend our beloved regime is drawn in: civil liberties are methodically squeezed, and with novel techniques.  Newspapers [fr] are heavily fined for ‘crossing the red line’ (that seems to be even thinner than the much known one…) and even bloggers [fr] (I have to say, in our vast majority, we are quite harmless, for those of us who are involved in politics, that is) are targeted. It looks as though the Moroccan authorities are longing for the Hassan II-era repression, where no one dared to speak, or complain for that matter. The regime just passed by some of its own commitments to the Moroccan people and to the international community.

Indeed, one cannot deal in one year with a system that lasted for the last twelve centuries-–and renewed itself pretty quickly with the contact of Western civilization. Little things could be achieved though, in the fullness of time…

Or perhaps, I’ve just got my hopes too high. Many times freedom-seeking Moroccans saw their hopes shattered and scattered, and democracy in Morocco remains a mere talk, as Dalida once sung, ‘Paroles, Paroles…’

My fears are quite numerous about what could go wrong in 2010. For a start, I worry about myself. I have actually no guarantee that my tiny voice won’t be suppressed. And even though my public is quite restrained-–and usually bored with my soliloquies–, I tend to put aside ideas and projects that might make a lot of powerful people quite upset. Bloggers, I guess, are the new target for our Makhzen. I think Laroui said something about this: the Makhzen always looks for a hypothetical adversary to justify its own existence in order to crush this perceived enemy. That was the case for Leftists, Islamists, freelance Journalists. Now bloggers are on the Makhzen’s target, precisely because they cannot get hold of them altogether.

Could 2010 be the breaking point?

Difficult to say; Morocco is in what one might call ‘an unstable equilibrium’. The old socio-economic structures are collapsing; traditional mechanisms are giving way to new structures, without mutual checks or social regulations, which leads to galloping inequalities and rising extremism. It is like basic cooking: too much pressure and heat, the little whistler pops up inevitably. I shouldn’t give such superficial account of the Moroccan situation here, nevertheless, Morocco is changing fast, whether in a good or a bad way that is left to one’s own opinion.

In modern Morocco, urban riots [Ar] broke out in 1965, 1981, 1984 and 1991, not to mention the daily demonstrations [Ar] throughout Morocco against…or rather for, basic rights actually.

Why am I so concerned about the risks of urban or rural riots? The unstable equilibrium means that all over Morocco, things are not going as well as the official Media is trying to convince us as well as the outside world. All over Morocco, people are expressing their anger and despair, perhaps their disillusions. I might be too alarmist; after all, there are more peaceful demonstrations than violent riots and the latter are often provoked by the police repression. And 2010 doesn’t differ much from the previous years, and news from god-forsaken places such as Sidi Ifni or Taghjijt occur ordinarily, it’s just that the information spreads quickly and quicker.

So what is this wrong that could possibly get worse? I fear some of our leaders in the shadow-–with effective powers–are more and more drawn in a police state model. Police State does not necessarily mean absence of equality. Indeed, Tunisia has a real progressive stand [Fr] on Women’s rights, quite remarkable with respect to the global feminine rights in the MENA region. That’s the bizarre thing. Paradoxical is not an overstatement. I’m afraid this move on women’s rights-–as well as on the Amazigh front–is just a tiny step forward, whilst some deeper social issues remain unresolved. Unfortunately, Waterbury’s axiom is still in effect: the regime offers sporadic measures to deal with structural problems. Pleased as I would have been with the new Moudawana, I don’t think it brings that much change in women’s everyday lives. The law was fairly easy to change, but the judiciary and society are still clinging to the fundamental idea of gender inequality.

How can I speak of such a non-democratic behaviour in Morocco? That is the worst part of it: when the going gets tough, the tough hopes for something better. And here is what I could possibly dream of for Morocco in 2010:

- Food in their bellies, knowledge in their brains and citizenship and dignity for every Moroccan. It could seem quite basic and suspiciously altruistic, but I believe it to be something paramount to political quibbles, and although no empirical relation ties development and democratic institutions, I think it is strong enough to note here that it has been proved that democratic institutions can deliver, on average, a steadier growth rate and a smaller inequality scale with stronger economy in the event of exogenous economic shocks.  I cannot help but compare the present state of affairs with the much-promised new era [Ar]. Surely one year isn’t enough to address all the hardships, but let us, for a change, just hope for a slightly improving Morocco.

- Setting all political loyalties aside, IER [Ar] (Instance Equité et Réconciliation) recommendations should, I believe, be put into practice [Fr]. They are indeed, but carried out in a fragmentized and much diluted fashion, conducted ironically by some whom responsibilities are known in the ‘lead years’ [Ar] and onwards. Human Rights Watch put on a heavy criticism to the Moroccan authorities’ lack of commitment to the IER recommendations. It is a duty of remembrance we owe to the victims of these dreadful years to ask for those recommendations to be implemented.

So… happy 2010 everyone !

But Morocco has a darker face. Its economy heavily relies on underdeveloped agriculture that is often at the whim of unpredictable weather; its exportation is greatly diminished and importation is increasing year after year. The unequal distribution of revenues yields to a shocking societal disparity that can easily be seen, heard, and felt as one travels between the country’s cities and villages. More then six million Moroccans live in gut-wrenching poverty; over 40% of men and 60% of women are illiterate; with an income per capita of $4,587; the International Monetry Fund ranks Morocco at 114; Human Development Index ranks it at 127. Morocco’s lower class can hardly afford the air it breathes; its middle class is constantly wrestling to make ends meet; its affluent class is accused of being elitist, disconnected, and indifferent to social development.

The King’s attempts to reconcile the country with its erstwhile self have been timid or incomplete. While the Equity and Reconciliation Commission paid restitution to the victims of his father ‘searing oppression, it failed to bring to justice those officials who were complicit in the crimes; some of them are still on the government’s payroll. Observers note that electoral process has been, more than ever, graft-ridden; corruption permeates all levels of the government, and political alliances and lobbies are best described as a cackle gnawing on a carcass that the lion has discarded. Restrictive laws enforced by an obsequious judicial branch have proven debilitating to freedom of the press and human rights; the reports that international organizations published on the subject this year have been damning. The sliver of hope that suffused the hearts and minds of Moroccans, especially the young generation, at the start of the decade has, by now, evaporated; the realpolitik revival announced never materialized; institutional and constitutional reforms are still elusive. People’s disenchantment is often expressed in subtle ways; citizens are no longer enthusiastic about going to polling stations; hardly now will you find a picture of the King in the classrooms of Morocco’s high schools because students would scribble expletive comments on them; of course, the government attributes such behavior to nothing more than the rambunctiousness that often characterizes adolescence.

The duality of the King as a symbol is rather intriguing to most Moroccans; he is the country’s unifier and the driving force behind its modernist movement. He is constantly connecting with his subjects, inaugurating community focused projects such as schools, hospitals, and orphanages; wherever the King goes, as if by magic, sanitation, water, and electricity follow; local politicians are more involved; services are readily available. But the Monarchic institution is a major hurdle to a bona fide constitutional reform. Its approach to those reforms are seen as rather cold-eyed. Its strategy is based on a universal and fundamental political principle that stipulates that when a country is fraying under the strain of economic overstretch and political uncertainty, a ruler will guaranty the compliance of his constituents if his administrative governance provides them with security from criminal activity that threatens their physical and emotional well-being, utility services – water, electricity, and sanitation, and subsistence – employment, food rations, medical. Nothing more is needed. And I doubt anything more will be forthcoming in 2010 from a system that is best described as a Constitutional Democratic Monarchy with an absolute power.

A. T. B. © 2010